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Charlie Tjapangati is a senior Papunya Tula artist and one of the leading Papunya Tula Pintupi artists whose artworks are sought after by collectors worldwide. View  Biography

For Charlie Tjapangat and all Papunya Tula Artists creating paintings relief them from the hardship of Papunya, a centralised government settlement established as a marshalling point for Aboriginal people displaced from their traditional lands by cattle farmers, including the Pintupi, Anmatyerre, Luritja and Warlpiri. In 1972 the artists established their own company, Papunya Tula, which derives its name from both the settlement's name and one of the hills in the area, Tula, a Honey Ant Dreaming site.

In the late 1970s and early '80s, after the establishment of the Aboriginal Land Rights Act, many people moved back to their traditional homelands, to country as far west as Kintore and Kiwirrkura in Western Australia. In the 1980s the movement flourished and other desert communities such as Utopia, Yuendumu and Balgo began to produce works of art for an outside audience.

In 2000, the Art Gallery of NSW held an exhibition, curated by Hetti Perkins, for the Sydney Olympic Games Arts Festival. This exhibition was to firmly place the movement on the national, and international, stage.

For a period of several months (27 November 2007 to 3 February 2008), the National Museum of Australia exhibited a collection of Papunya paintings from the first few years of the movement. Most of the works displayed in the collection have not been seen before by the general public as most of these paintings were bought by (the now defunct government agency) the Aboriginal Arts Board of the 1970s-1980s. The exhibition contains some of the most priceless and earliest works by the first generation, senior Papunya painters. These paintings were previously displayed in government offices and embassies. This exhibition was curated by Professor Vivien Johnson and is significant in introducing the movement's impact to the mainstream.

Two Papunya artists, Tommy Watson and Ningura Napurrula, are also represented in the Parisian museum, the Musee Quai Branly dedicated to indigenous art of the world. Napurrula's signature black and white motif appear superimposed on the ceiling of the administration part of the museum's building.

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Title: CT0702
Medium: Acrylic on Belgian linen
Size: 94 x 95 cm
 Price: $9,800

BUY - How to Pay                 About buying art

CT0702:
Country: Kiwirrkura
Tribe/Clan: Pintupi

This painting depicts an ancient story of Mythological Times when a large group of Tingari men, a group of ancestral elders who − in the Dreaming travelled over vast areas of the Western Desert performing rituals and creating or "opening up" the country. They camped at the site of “Yatturlnga” before traveling east passing through “Kiwirrkura” area. The men travel on to “Tarkul” North of Mount Webb and then North to Lake Mackay. The travel of Tingari men is depicted in the centre of painting. The wavy lines depict the sand hill surrounding the soakage water site of Yatturlnga, southwest of Jupiter Well. Since events associated with Tingari Cycle are of a secret nature no further details are given.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Tingari men were a group of ancestral elders who − in the Dreaming they travelled over vast areas of the Western Desert, performing rituals and creating or "opening up" the country (Perkins & Fink 2000:278) They were usually accompanied by recently-initiated novices to whom they provided instruction in the ritual and law of the region (Myers 1986:59-64). The adventures of the Tingari groups are enshrined in numerous song-myth cycles which provide explanations for contemporary customs in Western Desert aboriginal life (Perkins & Fink 2000:278; Berndt 1970:222-223; Berndt & Berndt 1999:266-267). Deep knowledge of Tingari business is restricted to men possessing appropriate levels of seniority in Western Desert society, but many stories have "public versions" which do not disclose secret/sacred knowledge.

In the Tingari heartland of the Gibson Desert, three major journey-lines can be discerned (Myers 1986:62). One begins west of Jupiter Well and eventually runs due east, concluding south-east of Lake Mackay; another heads south-west from near Kintore for some 200 km, and then doubles back to end at Lake Macdonald; the third runs from south to north through Docker River and Kintore. At the many sites that make up these songlines, groups of Tingari people held ceremonies, experienced adversity and had adventures, in the course of which they either created or became the physical features of the sites involved. In mythological terms, Tingari exploits often add to or modify features at pre-existing sites, or revive and extend more ancient local Dreamings (Kimber 2000:273). The oral narratives that describe these adventures stretch to thousands of verses, and provide countless topographical details that would assist nomadic bands to navigate and survive in the arid landscape (Petri 1970:263).

In Pintupi narratives, the male Tingari groups are usually followed by groups of women who may be accompanied by children. The more public women's stories usually revolve around the gathering and preparation of bush foods (Perkins & Fink 2000:281-290). However, other narratives relate to a group of powerful ancestor women – the Kanaputa (Ganabuda) or Mungamunga (Berndt 1972:208; Poirier 2005:130) – who often travelled in a Tingari ritual group (Myers 1976:188). These Tingari women were sometimes accompanied by young girls, whom they provided with ritual education (Berndt 1970:225), and were often followed by (or following) groups of Tingari men. Many of the Kukatja stories collected at Balgo relate to the Kanaputa (Berndt 1970:222; Poirier 2005:77-79).

Tingari-related visual designs, such as those used in ceremonial body and ground paintings, are usually considered "dear" rather than "dangerous" by traditional owners, which may explain why so many artists have concentrated on the Tingari in paintings produced for public display and sale by Papunya Tula (Myers 1989:179). Even so, the more esoteric elements of these designs were usually modified or omitted by the artists (Myers 2002:64-66), and this is particularly true of recent works. "Classical" Tingari cycle paintings typically contain a network of roundels (concentric circles, which often signify sites) interlinked by lines (which often indicate travel) (Bardon 1991:66, 85-86, 94, 128; Perkins & Fink 2000:180-181, 229).

Also see Dreamtime Return - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia 

 
 

Title: CT0703
Medium: Acrylic on Belgian linen
Size: 95 x 95 cm
 Price: $9,800

BUY - How to Pay                 About buying art

 

CT0703
 Country: Kiwirrkura
Tribe/Clan: Pintupi

This painting depicts an ancient story of the rockhole site at Tjiparitjarra in the neighborhoods of rocky out crops and the large sand hill West of Jupiter Well. In Dreamtime of prehistoric Australia's indigenous peoples a large group of Tingari men visited this site before traveling east passing through Yunala and Kiwirrkura area and then travel North East to Lake Mackay. Since events associated with the Tingari Cycle are of a secret nature no further details are given.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dreamtime
The expression "Dreamtime" was coined in 1899 by Spencer and Gillen (who conducted formative anthropological work on Australian prehistory) from alcheringa of the Arrernte language. "Dreamtime" is often used as a collective term for all the Dreamings of the indigenous peoples, though "The Dreaming" is a synonym for "Dreamtime" and is culturally preferred by Indigenous Australian peoples. "The Dreaming" in modern scholarship often refers to the "time before time", "time outside of time" or "time of the creation of all things", as though it were the past. But The Dreaming in a real sense is also present and in the future. The anthropologist and historian W.H. Stanner preferred "the Dreaming" to "the Dreamtime" and saliently describes it as "the Everywhen".[2] This is an apt and evocative approximation to what the Indigenous Australian Peoples refer to in translation as the "All-at-once" Time which is experienced as a co-existing confluence of past, present and future. This does not counter the Indigenous Australians People's concept of linear time, but it informs and qualifies it. Indigenous Australians considered the Everywhen of the Dreaming to be objective, whilst linear time was considered a subjective construction of waking consciousness of one's own lifetime. This is in the converse of the European concept which views dreams as subjective and linear time as objective.[citation needed]

The Tingari men were a group of ancestral elders who − in the Dreaming they travelled over vast areas of the Western Desert, performing rituals and creating or "opening up" the country (Perkins & Fink 2000:278) They were usually accompanied by recently-initiated novices to whom they provided instruction in the ritual and law of the region (Myers 1986:59-64). The adventures of the Tingari groups are enshrined in numerous song-myth cycles which provide explanations for contemporary customs in Western Desert aboriginal life (Perkins & Fink 2000:278; Berndt 1970:222-223; Berndt & Berndt 1999:266-267). Deep knowledge of Tingari business is restricted to men possessing appropriate levels of seniority in Western Desert society, but many stories have "public versions" which do not disclose secret/sacred knowledge.

In the Tingari heartland of the Gibson Desert, three major journey-lines can be discerned (Myers 1986:62). One begins west of Jupiter Well and eventually runs due east, concluding south-east of Lake Mackay; another heads south-west from near Kintore for some 200 km, and then doubles back to end at Lake Macdonald; the third runs from south to north through Docker River and Kintore. At the many sites that make up these songlines, groups of Tingari people held ceremonies, experienced adversity and had adventures, in the course of which they either created or became the physical features of the sites involved. In mythological terms, Tingari exploits often add to or modify features at pre-existing sites, or revive and extend more ancient local Dreamings (Kimber 2000:273). The oral narratives that describe these adventures stretch to thousands of verses, and provide countless topographical details that would assist nomadic bands to navigatate and survive in the arid landscape (Petri 1970:263).

In Pintupi narratives, the male Tingari groups are usually followed by groups of women who may be accompanied by children. The more public women's stories usually revolve around the gathering and preparation of bush foods (Perkins & Fink 2000:281-290). However, other narratives relate to a group of powerful ancestor women – the Kanaputa (Ganabuda) or Mungamunga (Berndt 1972:208; Poirier 2005:130) – who often travelled in a Tingari ritual group (Myers 1976:188). These Tingari women were sometimes accompanied by young girls, whom they provided with ritual education (Berndt 1970:225), and were often followed by (or following) groups of Tingari men. Many of the Kukatja stories collected at Balgo relate to the Kanaputa (Berndt 1970:222; Poirier 2005:77-79).

Tingari-related visual designs, such as those used in ceremonial body and ground paintings, are usually considered "dear" rather than "dangerous" by traditional owners, which may explain why so many artists have concentrated on the Tingari in paintings produced for public display and sale by Papunya Tula (Myers 1989:179). Even so, the more esoteric elements of these designs were usually modified or omitted by the artists (Myers 2002:64-66), and this is particularly true of recent works. "Classical" Tingari cycle paintings typically contain a network of roundels (concentric circles, which often signify sites) interlinked by lines (which often indicate travel) (Bardon 1991:66, 85-86, 94, 128; Perkins & Fink 2000:180-181, 229).

Also see Dreamtime Return - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia 

 		  
 

Title: CT0702
Medium: Acrylic on Belgian linen
Size: 95 x 95 cm
 Price: $5,800

 

  
 

Title: CT0702
Medium: Acrylic on Belgian linen
Size: 95 x 95 cm
 Price: $5,800

 		  

Charlie Tjapangati is a senior Papunya Tula artist and one of the leading Papunya Tula Pintupi artists whose artworks are sought after by collectors worldwide.

Artist Name:

Charlie Tjapangati

Born:

circa 1949

Tribe/Clan:

 Pintupi

Country:

Kiwirrkura
Area: Central and Western Desert
Western Desert Language - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Western Desert also known as

Papunya Tula

Charlie Tjapangati was born circa 1949, north west of Jupiter Wells of the Pintupi Tribe. He started painting for Papunya Tula in 1978 & in 1981 traveled to USA with Billy Stockman for the exhibition "Mr. Sandman bring me a Dream". The National Gallery of Australia (Canberra) along with other Major State Galleries hold his work.

Charlie commenced painting for Papunya Tula in 1978, after observed the older men for years. Charlie traveled to the USA for an exhibition in the following years with a famous Aboriginal Artist Billy Stockman. In 1982 Charlie moved to the Pintupi settlement of Kintore.

Charlie Tjapangati, started painting for Papunya Tula as a senior artist whose artworks are held by the National Gallery of Australia (Canberra) and other State Galleries. He travelled to USA with Billy Stockman for the exhibition "Mr. Sandman bring me a Dream". The National Gallery of Australia (Canberra) along with other Major State Galleries hold his work. 

His works generally depict the significant ceremonial story of the Tingari Cycle. The surface narrative elements that are often termed the painting’s ‘story’ or ‘Dreaming’ are only one level of an Aboriginal painting’s true significance. The imagery employed by Aboriginal artists has a deep cultural resonance that often defies simple logic or narrative interpretation. The western viewer can, however, intuitively feel the power of this spiritual resonance without necessarily having to understand the details, which are essentially for the initiated only.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dreamtime
The expression "Dreamtime" was coined in 1899 by Spencer and Gillen (who conducted formative anthropological work on Australian prehistory) from alcheringa of the Arrernte language. "Dreamtime" is often used as a collective term for all the Dreamings of the indigenous peoples, though "The Dreaming" is a synonym for "Dreamtime" and is culturally preferred by Indigenous Australian peoples. "The Dreaming" in modern scholarship often refers to the "time before time", "time outside of time" or "time of the creation of all things", as though it were the past. But The Dreaming in a real sense is also present and in the future. The anthropologist and historian W.H. Stanner preferred "the Dreaming" to "the Dreamtime" and saliently describes it as "the Everywhen".[2] This is an apt and evocative approximation to what the Indigenous Australian Peoples refer to in translation as the "All-at-once" Time which is experienced as a co-existing confluence of past, present and future. This does not counter the Indigenous Australians People's concept of linear time, but it informs and qualifies it. Indigenous Australians considered the Everywhen of the Dreaming to be objective, whilst linear time was considered a subjective construction of waking consciousness of one's own lifetime. This is in the converse of the European concept which views dreams as subjective and linear time as objective.[citation needed]

The Tingari men were a group of ancestral elders who − in the Dreaming they travelled over vast areas of the Western Desert, performing rituals and creating or "opening up" the country (Perkins & Fink 2000:278) They were usually accompanied by recently-initiated novices to whom they provided instruction in the ritual and law of the region (Myers 1986:59-64). The adventures of the Tingari groups are enshrined in numerous song-myth cycles which provide explanations for contemporary customs in Western Desert aboriginal life (Perkins & Fink 2000:278; Berndt 1970:222-223; Berndt & Berndt 1999:266-267). Deep knowledge of Tingari business is restricted to men possessing appropriate levels of seniority in Western Desert society, but many stories have "public versions" which do not disclose secret/sacred knowledge.

In the Tingari heartland of the Gibson Desert, three major journey-lines can be discerned (Myers 1986:62). One begins west of Jupiter Well and eventually runs due east, concluding south-east of Lake Mackay; another heads south-west from near Kintore for some 200 km, and then doubles back to end at Lake Macdonald; the third runs from south to north through Docker River and Kintore. At the many sites that make up these songlines, groups of Tingari people held ceremonies, experienced adversity and had adventures, in the course of which they either created or became the physical features of the sites involved. In mythological terms, Tingari exploits often add to or modify features at pre-existing sites, or revive and extend more ancient local Dreamings (Kimber 2000:273). The oral narratives that describe these adventures stretch to thousands of verses, and provide countless topographical details that would assist nomadic bands to navigatate and survive in the arid landscape (Petri 1970:263).

In Pintupi narratives, the male Tingari groups are usually followed by groups of women who may be accompanied by children. The more public women's stories usually revolve around the gathering and preparation of bush foods (Perkins & Fink 2000:281-290). However, other narratives relate to a group of powerful ancestor women – the Kanaputa (Ganabuda) or Mungamunga (Berndt 1972:208; Poirier 2005:130) – who often travelled in a Tingari ritual group (Myers 1976:188). These Tingari women were sometimes accompanied by young girls, whom they provided with ritual education (Berndt 1970:225), and were often followed by (or following) groups of Tingari men. Many of the Kukatja stories collected at Balgo relate to the Kanaputa (Berndt 1970:222; Poirier 2005:77-79).

Tingari-related visual designs, such as those used in ceremonial body and ground paintings, are usually considered "dear" rather than "dangerous" by traditional owners, which may explain why so many artists have concentrated on the Tingari in paintings produced for public display and sale by Papunya Tula (Myers 1989:179). Even so, the more esoteric elements of these designs were usually modified or omitted by the artists (Myers 2002:64-66), and this is particularly true of recent works. "Classical" Tingari cycle paintings typically contain a network of roundels (concentric circles, which often signify sites) interlinked by lines (which often indicate travel) (Bardon 1991:66, 85-86, 94, 128; Perkins & Fink 2000:180-181, 229).

Also see Dreamtime Return - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia 

The Tingari men were a group of ancestral elders who − in the Dreaming they travelled over vast areas of the Western Desert, performing rituals and creating or "opening up" the country (Perkins & Fink 2000:278) They were usually accompanied by recently-initiated novices to whom they provided instruction in the ritual and law of the region (Myers 1986:59-64). The adventures of the Tingari groups are enshrined in numerous song-myth cycles which provide explanations for contemporary customs in Western Desert aboriginal life (Perkins & Fink 2000:278; Berndt 1970:222-223; Berndt & Berndt 1999:266-267). Deep knowledge of Tingari business is restricted to men possessing appropriate levels of seniority in Western Desert society, but many stories have "public versions" which do not disclose secret/sacred knowledge.

In the Tingari heartland of the Gibson Desert, three major journey-lines can be discerned (Myers 1986:62). One begins west of Jupiter Well and eventually runs due east, concluding south-east of Lake Mackay; another heads south-west from near Kintore for some 200 km, and then doubles back to end at Lake Macdonald; the third runs from south to north through Docker River and Kintore. At the many sites that make up these songlines, groups of Tingari people held ceremonies, experienced adversity and had adventures, in the course of which they either created or became the physical features of the sites involved. In mythological terms, Tingari exploits often add to or modify features at pre-existing sites, or revive and extend more ancient local Dreamings (Kimber 2000:273). The oral narratives that describe these adventures stretch to thousands of verses, and provide countless topographical details that would assist nomadic bands to navigatate and survive in the arid landscape (Petri 1970:263).

 

 

 

Exhibitions of his work include:

1980, Contemporary Australian Aborigine Paintings, Pacific Asia Museum, Pasadena, California, USA;

1981, Australian Perspecta, A Biennial Survey of Contemporary Australian Art, Art Gallery of New South Wales, Sydney ;

1982, Brisbane Festival, Brisbane; 1982, Georges Exhibition, Melbourne;

1983, Mori Gallery, Sydney; 1989, Masterpiece Fine Art Gallery, Hobart.;

1990, Paintings from the Desert, Contemporary Aboriginal Paintings, Plimsoll Gallery, Centre for the Arts, Hobart, Tasmania;

1992, Crossroads-Towards a New Reality, Aboriginal Art from Australia, National Museums of Modern Art, Kyoto and Tokyo

 2004 - 21st Telstra National Aborigainal and Torres Strait Islander Art Award, Museum and Art Gallery of the Northern Territory, Darwin.

2005 - Papunya Tula Artists, Gallery Gabrielle Pizzi, Melbourne; Papunya Tula Artists - new work for a new space, Utopia Art Sydney; Rising Stars Papunya, Gallery Gabrielle Pizzi, Melbourne.

2006 - Papunya Tula Artists - across the board, Utopia Arts Sydney, Sydney; Rising Stars 2006, Gallery Gabrielle Pizzi, Melbourne.

Papunya Tula  From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Papunya Tula, or Papunya Tula Artists Pty Ltd, is an artists' cooperative formed in 1972 to market the paintings of a group of Aboriginal Australian men. They began painting traditional designs using western art materials at the Papunya settlement, 240 km northwest of Alice Springs in the Northern Territory in 1971. The Australian government moved several different groups living in the region to Papunya in an effort to remove them from cattle lands and assimlate them into western culture. They were primarily Pintupi, Luritja, Walpiri, Arrernte, and Anmatyerre peoples.

Papunya is the epicenter of the Honey Ant Dreaming where songlines converge. The name "tula" derives from a small hill near Papunya, and refers to the Honey Ant Ancestor of the indigenous inhabitants of the area. For many years only men participated in this commercial activity. A few women, notably Pansy Napangardi, began to paint for the company in the late 1980s, but it wasn't until 1994 that women generally began to participate. The company operates today out of Alice Springs and is widely regarded as the premier purveyor of Aboriginal art in Central Australia.

Also known as the Western Desert Art Movement, the style of painting, although traditionally used in the sand and for body adornment in ceremonies, had never been painted before in Western style – that is, using acrylic paint, and a hard surface.

Popularly referred to as "dot painting", the paintings of Papunya Tula brought Aboriginal art to world attention, and have inspired many other Aboriginal artists and styles. Some would say they have brought Australian art in general to the world stage.

Traditionally, this painting style was used for spiritual purposes, and so had strict protocols around its use. Many symbols depicted personal totems and Dreamings, and others more general Dreamtime creation stories. Once the art became popular, many symbols were therefore omitted or changed for public viewing.

 

Second Generation (Present)

  • Long Jack Philippus Tjakamarra
  • Andrew Tolson Tjakamarra
  • Tony Tjakamarra
  • Jeremiah West Tjakamarra
  • Richard Yukenbarri Tjakamarra
  • Raymond Maxwell Tjampitjinpa
  • Kenny Williams Tjampitjinpa
  • Ray James Tjangala
  • Lindsay Corby Tjapaltjarri
  • John Corby Tjapaltjarri
  • Adam Gibbs Tjapaltjarri
  • James Gibson Tjapaltjarri
  • Morris Gibson Tjapaltjarri
  • Joseph Jurra Tjapaltjarri
  • George Tjampu Tjapaltjarri
  • Raymond Tjapaltjarri
  • Warlimpirrnga Tjapaltjarri

For Charlie Tjapangat and all Papunya Tula Artists creating paintings relief them from the hardship of Papunya, a centralised government settlement established as a marshalling point for Aboriginal people displaced from their traditional lands by cattle farmers, including the Pintupi, Anmatyerre, Luritja and Warlpiri. In 1972 the artists established their own company, Papunya Tula, which derives its name from both the settlement's name and one of the hills in the area, Tula, a Honey Ant Dreaming site.

In the late 1970s and early '80s, after the establishment of the Aboriginal Land Rights Act, many people moved back to their traditional homelands, to country as far west as Kintore and Kiwirrkura in Western Australia. In the 1980s the movement flourished and other desert communities such as Utopia, Yuendumu and Balgo began to produce works of art for an outside audience.

In 2000, the Art Gallery of NSW held an exhibition, curated by Hetti Perkins, for the Sydney Olympic Games Arts Festival. This exhibition was to firmly place the movement on the national, and international, stage.

For a period of several months (27 November 2007 to 3 February 2008), the National Museum of Australia exhibited a collection of Papunya paintings from the first few years of the movement. Most of the works displayed in the collection have not been seen before by the general public as most of these paintings were bought by (the now defunct government agency) the Aboriginal Arts Board of the 1970s-1980s. The exhibition contains some of the most priceless and earliest works by the first generation, senior Papunya painters. These paintings were previously displayed in government offices and embassies. This exhibition was curated by Professor Vivien Johnson and is significant in introducing the movement's impact to the mainstream.

See also

References

 

Charlie Tjapangati
one of the most important Australian Aboriginal artists        

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